The concept of
hypoagency is gathering pace as an explanation for the
preferential treatment afforded women in many areas of life. It is also used to
explain the widely-observed female obsession with
infiltrating all-male institutions,
sub-cultures and societies.
Karen
Straughan’s analysis of hypoagency suggests that inactivity has long been an
advantageous evolutionary strategy for women – it confers personal and genetic
survival
for minimal personal
risk. Men, by contrast, have had no such option:
for men, inactivity leads only to genetic and personal
extinction.
Of course, we see most of these
claims proven every day. Men who fail to act functionally are treated very
harshly,
compared to women: 98% of the
homeless in Britain are men, for instance. Indeed,
the basic concept of hypoagency coheres well with my own ‘nothing’ theory of women: women never
evolved anything beyond physical charms because, in the simplest terms, it was
not necessary. Male
dominion and
prowess obviated the need for any such 'development'.
Hypoagency has also been used to explain the widely observed-female
tendency to ‘invade’ all-male spaces. The video games subculture is a good
example – increasingly infiltrated by women and their ceaseless demands for non-sexist story-lines, PC speech, and so on. By
bending male agency to their collective will, so the story goes, women can
secure resources both for themselves and their offspring. Hence, they have evolved a
strong tendency to infiltration and manipulation, as well as a reflexive
suspicion of all-male groups and subcultures. However, this is improbable. Why?
Because, as I have already stated, women never evolved complex, active patterns of behavior in relation to men,
sex or gender interaction.
Why would
they? Aside from looking as comely as possible, female behavior
mattered little for most of evolutionary history. Omnipotent male agency obviated any need for such complex
adaptation – men of power coerced women to their will, whatever they said or
thought. And male prowess on the hunting ground or the battlefield ensured the
survival of their children, not feminine ‘wiles’
So why, then, are women so attracted to all-male spaces? Why are they
so fearful of male autonomy – and indeed, the Men’s Rights Movement? In my view,
simple fear: fear of abandonment, fear of starvation, fear of death. There is
no need for long, complex explanations based on female evolutionary adaptation.
And a cursory glance at contemporary feminism demonstrates this. In the final
analysis, women need men a lot more than men need women.
Consider Anglo-American feminists. Despite their misandry, it will be
noted that Feminists – and women in general – never seek authentic detachment
from men. Ultimately, ‘separatist’ feminists are nothing of the kind. They may
live in communes from which men are excluded, so that the inhabitants
never see a male for years, if not decades. However, it will be noted that they
still use the technologies developed by
male science very freely. Further, their communes can only exist within a
protective male context – one that affords safety from wild animals, natural
calamities and the criminal underclass.
Hence, it will be noted that female separatism is always selective: even
the most ardent feminist retains many aspects of the despised ‘patriarchy’ in
her otherwise ‘man-free’ life.
Why is this? The simple answer is that women cannot survive without men
to protect and provide for them. Every supposedly 'all-female' institution - from nunneries to sorority houses - retains male janitors, ICT workers and security guards, literally without exception. In sum, the all-female institution is a feminist myth. And this ubiquitous, underlying dependence best explains the female obsession with
infiltrating all-male social, cultural and intellectual spaces. The matter is one
of sheer survival. Even the most rabidly misandrist female knows
deep-down that, if men withdraw their consent from any enterprise, it will
fail. And that applies to lesbian communes, not just the real-world
institutions that (ultimately) sustain them.
One is strongly reminded of Marxism. This outworn philosophy claims
that the proletariat – uneducated manual workers – are ‘exploited’ by the
capitalist class. If they could only realize their collective bargaining power,
Marx argues, the ‘working’ class could overthrow their oppressors and build a
communist utopia. Hold on, though: quite aside from the fact that uneducated
manual workers are typically parochial, ignorant and reactionary, they
typically lack the cognitive and organizational skills to maintain complex
societies. If the ‘oppressing’ classes withdrew their cognitive capital from
post-industrial civilization, the ‘working’ classes would be living like
medieval peasants within a generation.
The wonders they use but do not understand – the Internet, satellites
and smart-phones – would be withdrawn overnight. That would also happen to
jobs, healthcare and the elaborate welfare state. In the space of a decade, they would
resemble the peasants depicted in the Bayeaux Tapestry, sowing seed in the
fields and dying at forty (if that).
Detroit is a perfect example of what happens when the cognitive
elite leave proletarians to their own devices: a
once-thriving city becomes a primitive, crime-infested slum. Yet Marxists still argue that
the working class is ‘oppressed’ and ‘exploited’ by its cognitive superiors,
who deny them the ‘fruits’ of their labour. However – as with feminism –
Marxists never agitate for a separatist solution to this ‘injustice’. If the
cognitive elites are so ‘oppressive’, why don’t Marxist academics or the
working class go find a Pacific island and built a Communist utopia there, free
of their ‘oppressors’? Instead, they want ‘revolution’ – a conflagration which
will, conveniently, coerce the cognitive elites into creating (and running)
everything ‘for free’.
Despite their rhetoric, never once do Marxists or feminists make real
efforts to disengage from their ‘oppressors’
- either men or ‘capitalists’. And yet, it would not be difficult. The
Pacific is full of uninhabited islands, while Asia and South America contain
many unpopulated enclaves. Look at the hippies of Goa, with their own communes
and way of life. If hippies can do it, why not feminists and Marxists?
Of course they could; they just don’t want to. They don’t want to
because, at heart, they prefer the many benefits of a capitalist 'patriarchy' to
their various utopias. However, there is this crucial difference: while a
Marxist commune might subsist indefinitely on some Pacific island (albeit in
Palaeolithic squalor), a feminist commune in the same situation would perish in
a few weeks. Without men to hunt and
grow food, build shelters, dig drainage channels and guard the community from
dangerous arthropods, reptiles and mammals, its inhabitants would perish like
flies.
Such a thought-experiment describes a potent evolutionary truth: women without men perished quickly. For me, hypoagency is a variant of the ‘female
choice’ theory – it credits women with far too much evolutionary autonomy. Women never developed a strong, complex
sex-drive because there was no need for them to do so: reproductive matters
were largely ‘taken care of’ by intra-male competition for women, land and
resources. Similarly, women never developed any real capacity for psycho-social
autonomy: it simply wasn’t possible in a world full of dangers. Note how
prominent feminists preach their misandry from universities founded by men,
using concepts and culture created by men, using systems and technologies
maintained by men, in societies guarded by men. If all those gifts were repealed, academic feminism would
simply not be possible.
So, rather than being a by-product of complex evolutionary processes, hypoagency
– or rather, ‘feminist hypocrisy’ – is just female dependence, by any other
name. As ever on our journey through
Anglo-American feminism, revolution is really reaction. And in truth, men hold
all the cards – if they could just but realize it. Withdraw male consent from
anything – even feminism – and it will crumble to dust. Of course, feminists
have harboured the ‘structural’ resources inherent in complex post-industrial
societies to defend and advance their interests: law, politics and the media.
While this shields them somewhat from the direct withdrawal of male consent,
their existence still depends on a techno-physical structure devised and
maintained by men. The liberal arts and social ‘sciences’ – the academic
redoubts of women in general, and feminists in particular – all share this
inherent vulnerability. The female assault on all-male spaces is not a mark of
female strength and coherence; rather, consider it a mark of desperation, a
frantic attempt to recapture male goodwill.